President Abdullah Gul began Monday, February 14 an official visit of four days in Iran, the head of a strong ministerial delegation and Turkish businessmen. The objective is the signing of new agreements for cooperation and economic policy. This move, which comes in both the "new Turkish diplomacy" of the Foreign Minister, Ahmet Davutoğlu, and in a long series of bilateral reciprocal travel, confirms the continued strengthening of Turkish-Iranian relations since 2007. One of the most spectacular episodes was, May 17, 2010, signed in Tehran by Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan, President Lula da Silva of Brazil, and Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, an agreement Tripartite enrichment of Iranian uranium (see our editions of 24, 26 and 29 May and 12 June 2010). On the eve of the presentation to the Security Council of a fourth package of sanctions against Iran, the tripartite agreement had caused great irritation of the United States, the European Union and NATO. But, in fact, many economic agreements concluded in recent years in the fields of industry, commerce, transport infrastructure, services, and especially energy (especially gas), weigh more heavy volume and value in the balance of payments and trade of both countries, one-Iran-is nevertheless subject to an embargo and sanctions the international community.
Some observers were surprised at the continuation of Feb. 14 to begin an official visit to Iran. Because President Gul arrived in Tehran in full voltage domestic policy related to the impact of Tunisian and Egyptian revolutions. Two events at the same goal-affirming support of the Iranian people's movement in Egypt were held to-day interval, including one on Monday 14 February. With opposite intentions clearly.
Friday, February 11 (the day Mubarak is gone), as part of official celebrations of the 32nd anniversary of the Republic Islamic regime in Tehran organized as it knows how, on the square Azadi (Freedom), a large demonstration in support of "the just struggle of Arab peoples ... for the establishment of Islamic regimes, anti- US and anti-Zionists ": the many demonstrators, especially of popular origin, were organized in groups on their places of work or in their neighborhoods, heavily equipped with banners and slogans, and brought on site by water wheels buses.
Monday, February 14 (or 25 Bahman), opposition to the plan (the Green movement around the former presidential candidate in 2009 Mir Hossein Moussavi) has called for demonstrations to "support the Arab peoples in struggle ... for democracy, "as the Iranians two years ago. "Everything we're seeing in the streets of Tunis, Sana'a, Cairo, Alexandria and Suez has its origins in the events that are produced in Iran in June 2009. Millions of Iranians were then taken to the streets to ask 'Where is my vote? " and demanded their rights peacefully. "affirmed Mr. Mousavi early February. In Tehran, an official request had been filed with the authorities under section 27 of the Constitution on the freedom of demonstration, opposition heard play the card of legality and non-violence, and mobilize young people on the internet and blogs, mobile and Twitter. The slogans have left no doubt about the mood of the demonstrators: "Down with the Dictator! [Guide] or: "Mubarak, Ben Ali, and now Seyyed Ali [Khamenei]." They were in Tehran and in major cities, the first street demonstrations against the regime since February 11, 2010. The demonstration in Tehran, banned, has been violently suppressed: two dead, dozens injured, hundreds of arrests.
Holding a conference Press late Monday afternoon, along with his Iranian counterpart, Abdullah Gul could not completely avoid the problem of the day: popular demonstrations for democracy-authoritarian regimes in the Arab world and ... in Iran. He therefore stressed, in general, that Turkey supported "the democratic aspirations of the peoples of the region. "
Turkey and Iran had to take a position on the events that shook the Arab world for two months, and their most dramatic consequences in Tunisia and Egypt. We know that the Turkish position was initially wait (see our edition of February 1 2011), before Prime Minister Erdogan not clearly committed on 1 February in a principled support the democratic aspirations (see our edition of 2 and February 5, 2011). While avoiding any direct interference in Egyptian affairs, and put forward a "Turkish model" often mentioned by Western observers as possibly apply to the Arab world (integration of Islamists in parliamentary politics, "demilitarization" political life, cf. our edition of February 12, 2011). But Recep Tayyip Erdogan is in place there is a contradiction discursive democratic aspiration would it be legitimate on the banks of the Nile, and illegitimate the avenues Enqhelâb (the Revolution) and Azadi (Freedom) in Tehran? In June 2009, had already criticized the Turkish prime minister the speed with which he had welcomed the re-election of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad ("There is no doubt this is our friend. He was officially declared elected, he received a vote of confidence. "), then challenged by millions of demonstrators throughout Iran. To paraphrase Pascal: "Truth on this side of the Zagros Mountains, beyond error"?
The Islamic Republic has taken a position much faster revolutions Arabs, including the political benefit it could possibly take a popular protest weakening or overthrowing regimes, supported by the United States, having signed peace agreements with Israel. The Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei has, in a sermon in Persian and Arabic during the great prayer of Friday, February 4, called for a general uprising of the Muslim peoples. As a model with the Iranian revolution of 1979 and a target of widespread Islamic regimes. Speech repeated by those more millenarian, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, who helped fuel the parallels worried facts West between 1979 and 2011 ... Next few years the fall of Saddam Hussein, and thus the disappearance of Iraq as a national power-Arab front against Iran, Mubarak's departure, and a weakening of Egypt increased diplomatic, would gain a new strategic Iran in the region, at a time when Beirut was formed a unity government in which the pro-Iranian Hezbollah has considerable leverage. However, the Iranian regime is clearly caught in a contradiction, calling for mass demonstrations for democracy in the Mashreq, and suppressing popular protests claiming that democracy in Iran. This discourse Iranian official was so far from the concerns of protesters Tahrir Square in Cairo. Ankara and Tehran
strengthen their political and economic relations, a view shared interests: confirmation of Turkey as a regional power player in his policy of "good neighbors" and its dynamic economic opportunity for Iran to release by these economic agreements and intermediation on Turkish nuclear isolation on more than Westerners do not often think. But we must not forget that the two countries, because very active towards the Arab Mashreq, are also found in some form of rivalry several sensitive issues: the fate of Iraq, support for Palestinians (in Gaza for example), and even Lebanon, where Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and Recep Tayyip Erdogan have followed a few days apart last fall. Therefore need to closely monitor this rivalry as a regional power whose main issue is the respective influence of the "Turkish model" and the "Iranian model" in the Middle East. But perhaps it will be the democratic aspirations of the peoples of the region which will start between these two models ... Jean-Paul Burdy
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